Nick Boles

Common Market 2.0 delivers on the desire to take back control that underpinned the referendum result. We would leave the political institutions of the E.U. We would no longer be bound by ever-closer union.

Politicians have to be straight with people.

Putting an end to poor quality apprenticeship training lies at the heart of our reforms of apprenticeships.

As a one nation government on the side of working people we are determined that everyone who is entitled to the National Minimum Wage receives it.

The choice of whom to vote for in a general election is not only a choice of Prime Minister. It is a choice about the future of our country, the values we want it to stand for, the principles we want it to be governed by.

Boris Johnson has turned the party of Disraeli and Churchill into a vehicle for shrill English nationalism.

I was elected to Parliament as a Conservative three times, most recently in 2017.

I acted as Boris Johnson's chief of staff for his first few months as Mayor of London in 2008.

Paranoia is not a recipe for happiness or health.

As his former chief of staff, I can't imagine Boris Johnson felt very comfortable telling the British people to 'stay at home.' But when he finally issued this clear instruction, his popularity went up.

When coronavirus first arrived in the U.K., the libertine instincts of our Woosterish Prime Minister seemed out of place. People wanted the reassurance of rules to abide by and an authority figure to obey.

We Brits are law abiding folk. We pride ourselves on our natural tendency to form an orderly queue rather than a scrum.

Of course, Common Market 2.0 doesn't give everyone what they want. It isn't perfect. But it is a deal which is negotiable with the E.U., which delivers on the referendum result and which maintains close economic ties.

I don't think people change much over 40.

We believe it is our duty to deliver on the result of the E.U. referendum while maintaining close economic ties with our closest and largest trading partner.

We should assert our rights under the EEA Treaty to remain a member after Brexit and apply to join EFTA as an associate member for an interim period.

Parliament will never accept that the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland should be held at the mercy of a Damoclean sword wielded by the E.U.

I voted Remain and believe the single market brings significant benefits to the U.K. But I do not believe that it is sustainable for a country as large as ours to stay in the EEA and EFTA indefinitely, with limited say over new single market rules and little control over freedom of movement.

Existing MPs, councillors, candidates and party members of liberal views would be encouraged to join. And we could use it to recruit new supporters who might initially balk at the idea of calling themselves Conservative.

The Conservative Party will only win office on its own when it has established beyond doubt its commitment to the advance of freedom and found the courage to stake its claim as the party that all liberals should vote for.

A significant number of people will not even contemplate voting Conservative.

I refuse to be bullied into accepting that crashing out of the E.U. with no deal would be an acceptable course for any British government to pursue, when there is a deal on the table.

I went on to vote with Theresa May and David Davis in every division on the Withdrawal Act that repeals our membership of the European Union. I am implacably opposed to a second referendum, which is simply designed to overturn the result of the first.

Although I voted Remain and was bitterly disappointed when we lost, early the morning after the referendum I sent a tweet saying, 'The people I work for have made a momentous decision. I advised against it. But they call the shots and I will now do everything I can to make a success of it.'

Only one Member of Parliament left a hospital chemotherapy bed in a wheelchair to vote for the bill that triggered Article 50 and the process of leaving the European Union. That was me.

The coronavirus pandemic is going to inflict far greater damage on the U.K.'s fortunes than anyone anticipated when it began.

So long as you are spending money on investment there is a very good prospect that will generate a return in the economy.

Not every compromise is a conspiracy.

The crucial advantage of Common Market 2.0 is that it would keep us in the single market and a customs arrangement with a common external tariff, at least until alternative arrangements underpinning frictionless trade have been agreed with the E.U.

While offering economic continuity, Common Market 2.0 would mean we leave the political institutions of the E.U.

Norway Plus offers immediate advantages. We would be in the single market but outside the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. We would be outside of the common agricultural and fisheries policies - able to operate as an independent coastal state.

Norway Plus strikes the right balance between fulfilling the mandate of the 2016 referendum while preserving economic ties with the E.U.

Most Remainers and pragmatic Leavers have supported Theresa May's efforts to negotiate a bespoke deal based on the Chequers proposals. And most hardline Brexiters have been holding out for that Fantastic Beast of Johnsonian folklore: the SuperDuper Canada deal.

It has been a lonely task plugging the Norway option - Brexit via the European Economic Area - to my Conservative colleagues.

The Covid-19 pandemic is what insurers call an act of God. It has hit us like an asteroid strike and unleashed an economic downturn in which governments and central banks are mere bystanders. In 2008, during the financial crisis, it was obvious that the disaster was man-made.

The usual objection to printing money to pay for government spending is that it will unleash inflation. That would be true if the spending being financed were increasing the overall level of demand in the economy, and if markets expected the government to resort to monetary financing as a matter of course.

Thatcherites and other disciples of economic orthodoxy will argue that monetary financing is reckless.

The desire to control immigration was one of the main motivations for Leave voters.

In 1979, one of the key issues for the Tory right was Rhodesia.

Of course Margaret Thatcher was a remarkable and strong-willed figure but she was also a pragmatist, just as ready to upset her right wing as Tony Blair has been to upset his left wing.

The main purpose of the Thatcher government was to sort out Britain's failing economy.

People tend to see David Cameron through the prism of their hopes and fears. Labour supporters want to believe that he is a lightweight who won't stand up to the intense scrutiny of an election campaign. Pragmatic Tories think that here, at last, is a leader who can reach out and lead them back to power.

If they are given a real opportunity to affect the performance of local public services by electing the people who run them, most people will be willing to accept that the standards achieved will vary from one area to another.

I'm interested in anything that can provide a reasonable Brexit deal that everybody can live with and everybody can see some merit in.

Private sector suppliers have been the source of long-term care for the elderly and terminally ill for a very long time without any obvious bad effects on the quality of the service provided or the morale of those working in this sector.

Collectivists are of the view that pluralism in provision should extend to charitable institutions but not private companies.

Consumerists want to encourage private providers to compete with public providers because they believe that this will lead to increased efficiency and a more responsive service.

I don't think we have done enough to reassure people about the motives behind economic liberation, that we genuinely believe that you will get better health services or housing or whatever, rather than that our mates who work for private equity will make a ton of money.

I have wanted my party to be guided by liberal instincts, and inspired by progressive goals while also drawing on a deep well of conservative pragmatism and common sense.

Exaggeration is the political pundits' stock in trade: nobody built a loyal readership on equivocation.